When Congress returns from the year end holiday break next year, it should tweak the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) recently signed into law by President Biden as one of its first orders of business. As enacted, the statute’s provisions appropriating $42 billion in state grants for advanced telecommunications infrastructure set the stage for conflict and potential litigation that could add more years of delay to the already long overdue modernization of the nation’s telecommunications infrastructure.
Doug Dawson published a thought provoking blog post earlier this week laying out some of the potential pitfalls. The law needs immediate attention since the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) is mandated by the IIJA to set up shop to disburse the funding during the first several months of 2022 as the ‘‘Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment Program.”
The pitfalls stem from the IIJA’s retention of a throughput versus infrastructure standard and its reliance on the Federal Communications Commission’s “broadband map” (currently being updated) detailing what throughput is available for a given location. The map is a critical measure because funding eligibility is primarily targeted for projects where at least 80 percent of premises are “unserved,” defined by the bill as those not having any providers offering service with throughput of at least 25 Mbps down and 3 Mbps up. The FCC mapping process has been fraught with controversy over its accuracy since the FCC’s National Broadband Map debuted more than a decade ago. Tied to this is distrust of incumbent legacy telephone companies suspected of overstating available throughput in order to disqualify potential subsidization of construction by other entities in their nominal service areas.
As Dawson notes, some states could rely on their own map data, setting states against the federal government’s maps. These states might also prefer to award IIJA funding to public sector and nonprofit owned fiber to the premise infrastructure after years of little infrastructure modernization by incumbents despite state subsidies and persistent neighborhood redlining that limits access and affordability. These states could also opt to cover the 25 percent cost match required by the IIJA with their own funds. States would be on solid public policy ground since the IIJA funding does not require incumbent telephone companies to offer advanced telecommunications service to any customer reasonably requesting it or at affordable rates, leaving longstanding gaps.
That could set the stage for lawsuits by investor-owned telephone, cable and fixed wireless incumbents contending states are unfairly disfavoring them in contravention of the IIJA’s provisions. They would likely exercise their right to challenge proposed build areas as allowed by the IIJA, fly specking them and arguing they are not “unserved” areas or that states are directing funding to “underserved” areas (where per the IIJA service isn’t available to 80 percent of locations at 100/20 Mbps) before ensuring there are no more “unserved” areas as required by the legislation.
To avoid these potential risks that could delay badly needed advanced telecommunications infrastructure, Congress should amend the IIJA’s advanced telecommunications infrastructure grant provisions along the lines of the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) enacted earlier this year. That measure appropriates $10 billion to state, local and tribal governments for capital projects including advanced telecommunications infrastructure.
The ARPA is more favorable to a fiber to the premises (FTTP) infrastructure modernization standard by specifying projects provide symmetrical throughput of 100/100 Mbps or be scalable to it. The ARPA also recognizes the need for rapid deployment by affording “significant discretion” to state, local and tribal governments to identify eligible projects without having to rely on federal “broadband maps” and not including a process for incumbents to challenge proposed projects as “overbuilding.”
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